The Roots of Stigma
By: the Surgeon General
Stigmatization of people with mental disorders has persisted throughout
history. It is manifested by bias, distrust, stereotyping, fear, embarrassment,
anger, and/or avoidance. Stigma leads others to avoid living, socializing or
working with, renting to, or employing people with mental disorders, especially
severe disorders such as schizophrenia (Penn & Martin, 1998; Corrigan &
Penn, 1999). It reduces patients’ access to resources and opportunities (e.g.,
housing, jobs) and leads to low self-esteem, isolation, and hopelessness. It
deters the public from seeking, and wanting to pay for, care. In its most overt
and egregious form, stigma results in outright discrimination and abuse. More
tragically, it deprives people of their dignity and interferes with their full
participation in society.
Explanations for stigma stem, in part, from the misguided split between mind
and body first proposed by Descartes. Another source of stigma lies in the
19th-century separation of the mental health treatment system in the United
States from the mainstream of health. These historical influences exert an often
immediate influence on perceptions and behaviors in the modern world.
Separation of Treatment Systems
In colonial times in the United States, people with mental illness were
described as“lunatics” and were largely cared for by families. There was no
concerted effort to treat mental illness until urbanization in the early 19th
century created a societal problem that previously had been relegated to
families scattered among small rural communities. Social policy assumed the form
of isolated asylums where persons with mental illness were administered the
reigning treatments of the era. By the late 19th century, mental illness was
thought to grow“out of a violation of those physical, mental and moral laws
which, properly understood and obeyed, result not only in the highest
development of the race, but the highest type of civilization” (cited in Grob,
1983). Throughout the history of institutionalization in asylums (later renamed
mental hospitals), reformers strove to improve treatment and curtail abuse.
Several waves of reform culminated in the deinstitutionalization movement that
began in the 1950s with the goal of shifting patients and care to the
community.
Public Attitudes About Mental Illness: 1950s to 1990s
Nationally representative surveys have tracked public attitudes about mental
illness since the 1950s (Star, 1952, 1955; Gurin et al., 1960; Veroff et al.,
1981). To permit comparisons over time, several surveys of the 1970s and the
1990s phrased questions exactly as they had been asked in the 1950s (Swindle et
al., 1997).
In the 1950s, the public viewed mental illness as a stigmatized condition and
displayed an unscientific understanding of mental illness. Survey respondents
typically were not able to identify individuals as“mentally ill” when presented
with vignettes of individuals who would have been said to be mentally ill
according to the professional standards of the day. The public was not
particularly skilled at distinguishing mental illness from ordinary unhappiness
and worry and tended to see only extreme forms of behavior—namely psychosis—as
mental illness. Mental illness carried great social stigma, especially linked
with fear of unpredictable and violent behavior (Star, 1952, 1955; Gurin et al.,
1960; Veroff et al., 1981).
By 1996, a modern survey revealed that Americans had achieved greater
scientific understanding of mental illness. But the increases in knowledge did
not defuse social stigma (Phelan et al., 1997). The public learned to define
mental illness and to distinguish it from ordinary worry and unhappiness. It
expanded its definition of mental illness to encompass anxiety, depression, and
other mental disorders. The public attributed mental illness to a mix of
biological abnormalities and vulnerabilities to social and psychological stress
(Link et al., in press). Yet, in comparison with the 1950s, the public’s
perception of mental illness more frequently incorporated violent behavior
(Phelan et al., 1997). This was primarily true among those who defined mental
illness to include psychosis (a view held by about one-third of the entire
sample). Thirty-one percent of this group mentioned violence in its descriptions
of mental illness, in comparison with 13 percent in the 1950s. In other words,
the perception of people with psychosis as being dangerous is stronger today
than in the past (Phelan et al., 1997).
The 1996 survey also probed how perceptions of those with mental illness
varied by diagnosis. The public was more likely to consider an individual with
schizophrenia as having mental illness than an individual with depression. All
of them were distinguished reasonably well from a worried and unhappy individual
who did not meet professional criteria for a mental disorder. The desire for
social distance was consistent with this hierarchy (Link et al., in press).
Why is stigma so strong despite better public understanding of mental
illness? The answer appears to be fear of violence: people with mental illness,
especially those with psychosis, are perceived to be more violent than in the
past (Phelan et al., 1997).
This finding begs yet another question: Are people with mental disorders
truly more violent? Research supports some public concerns, but the overall
likelihood of violence is low. The greatest risk of violence is from those who
have dual diagnoses, i.e., individuals who have a mental disorder as well as a
substance abuse disorder (Swanson, 1994; Eronen et al., 1998; Steadman et al.,
1998). There is a small elevation in risk of violence from individuals with
severe mental disorders (e.g., psychosis), especially if they are noncompliant
with their medication (Eronen et al., 1998; Swartz et al., 1998). Yet the risk
of violence is much less for a stranger than for a family member or person who
is known to the person with mental illness (Eronen et al., 1998). In fact,
there is very little risk of violence or harm to a stranger from casual contact
with an individual who has a mental disorder. Because the average person is
ill-equipped to judge whether someone who is behaving erratically has any of
these disorders, alone or in combination, the natural tendency is to be wary.
Yet, to put this all in perspective, the overall contribution of mental
disorders to the total level of violence in society is exceptionally small
(Swanson, 1994).
Because most people should have little reason to fear violence from those
with mental illness, even in its most severe forms, why is fear of
violence so entrenched? Most speculations focus on media coverage and
deinstitutionalization (Phelan et al., 1997; Heginbotham, 1998). One series of
surveys found that selective media reporting reinforced the public’s stereotypes
linking violence and mental illness and encouraged people to distance themselves
from those with mental disorders (Angermeyer & Matschinger, 1996). And yet,
deinstitutionalization made this distancing impossible over the 40 years as the
population of state and county mental hospitals was reduced from a high of about
560,000 in 1955 to well below 100,000 by the 1990s (Bachrach, 1996). Some
advocates of deinstitutionalization expected stigma to be reduced with community
care and commonplace exposure. Stigma might have been greater today had not
public education resulted in a more scientific understanding of mental
illness.
Stigma and Seeking Help for Mental Disorders
Nearly two-thirds of all people with diagnosable mental disorders do not seek
treatment (Regier et al., 1993; Kessler et al., 1996). Stigma surrounding the
receipt of mental health treatment is among the many barriers that discourage
people from seeking treatment (Sussman et al., 1987; Cooper-Patrick et al.,
1997). Concern about stigma appears to be heightened in rural areas in relation
to larger towns or cities (Hoyt et al., 1997). Stigma also disproportionately
affects certain age groups, as explained in the chapters on children and older
people.
The surveys cited above concerning evolving public attitudes about mental
illness also monitored how people would cope with, and seek treatment for,
mental illness if they became symptomatic. (The term “nervous breakdown” was
used in lieu of the term “mental illness” in the 1996 survey to allow for
comparisons with the surveys in the 1950s and 1970s.) The 1996 survey found that
people were likelier than in the past to approach mental illness by coping with,
rather than by avoiding, the problem. They also were more likely now to want
informal social supports (e.g., self-help groups). Those who now sought
formal support increasingly preferred counselors, psychologists, and
social workers (Swindle et al., 1997).
Stigma and Paying for Mental Disorder Treatment
Another manifestation of stigma is reflected in the public’s reluctance to
pay for mental health services. Public willingness to pay for mental health
treatment, particularly through insurance premiums or taxes, has been assessed
largely through public opinion polls. Members of the public report a greater
willingness to pay for insurance coverage for individuals with severe mental
disorders, such as schizophrenia and depression, rather than for less severe
conditions such as worry and unhappiness (Hanson, 1998). While the public
generally appears to support paying for treatment, its support diminishes upon
the realization that higher taxes or premiums would be necessary (Hanson, 1998).
In the lexicon of survey research, the willingness to pay for mental illness
treatment services is considered to be“soft.” The public generally ranks
insurance coverage for mental disorders below that for somatic disorders
(Hanson, 1998).
Reducing Stigma
There is likely no simple or single panacea to eliminate the stigma
associated with mental illness. Stigma was expected to abate with increased
knowledge of mental illness, but just the opposite occurred: stigma in some ways
intensified over the past 40 years even though understanding improved. Knowledge
of mental illness appears by itself insufficient to dispel stigma (Phelan et
al., 1997). Broader knowledge may be warranted, especially to redress public
fears (Penn & Martin, 1998). Research is beginning to demonstrate that
negative perceptions about severe mental illness can be lowered by furnishing
empirically based information on the association between violence and severe
mental illness (Penn & Martin, 1998). Overall approaches to stigma reduction
involve programs of advocacy, public education, and contact with persons with
mental illness through schools and other societal institutions (Corrigan &
Penn, 1999).
Another way to eliminate stigma is to find causes and effective treatments
for mental disorders (Jones, 1998). History suggests this to be true.
Neurosyphilis and pellagra are illustrative of mental disorders for which stigma
has receded. In the early part of this century, about 20 percent of those
admitted to mental hospitals had“general paresis,” later identified as tertiary
syphilis (Grob, 1994). This advanced stage of syphilis occurs when the bacterium
invades the brain and causes neurological deterioration (including psychosis),
paralysis, and death. The discoveries of an infectious etiology and of
penicillin led to the virtual elimination of neurosyphilis. Similarly, when
pellagra was traced to a nutrient deficiency, and nutritional supplementation
with niacin was introduced, the condition was eventually eradicated in the
developed world. Pellagra’s victims with delirium had been placed in mental
hospitals early in the 20th century before its etiology was clarified. Although
no one has documented directly the reduction of public stigma toward these
conditions over the early and later parts of this century, disease eradication
through widespread acceptance of treatment (and its cost) offers indirect
proof.
Ironically, these examples also illustrate a more unsettling consequence:
that the mental health field was adversely affected when causes and treatments
were identified. As advances were achieved, each condition was transferred from
the mental health field to another medical specialty (Grob, 1991). For instance,
dominion over syphilis was moved to dermatology, internal medicine, and
neurology upon advances in etiology and treatment. Dominion over hormone-related
mental disorders was moved to endocrinology under similar circumstances. The
consequence of this transformation, according to historian Gerald Grob, is that
the mental health field became over the years the repository for mental
disorders whose etiology was unknown. This left the mental health
field“vulnerable to accusations by their medical brethren that psychiatry was
not part of medicine, and that psychiatric practice rested on superstition and
myth” (Grob, 1991).
These historical examples signify that stigma dissipates for individual
disorders once advances render them less disabling, infectious, or disfiguring.
Yet the stigma surrounding other mental disorders not only persists but
may be inadvertently reinforced by leaving to mental health care only those
behavioral conditions without known causes or cures. To point this out is not
intended to imply that advances in mental health should be halted; rather,
advances should be nurtured and heralded. The purpose here is to explain some of
the historical origins of the chasm between the health and mental health
fields.
Stigma must be overcome. Research that will continue to yield increasingly
effective treatments for mental disorders promises to be an effective antidote.
When people understand that mental disorders are not the result of moral
failings or limited will power, but are legitimate illnesses that are responsive
to specific treatments, much of the negative stereotyping may dissipate. Still,
fresh approaches to disseminate research information and, thus, to counter
stigma need to be developed and evaluated. Social science research has much to
contribute to the development and evaluation of anti-stigma programs (Corrigan
& Penn, 1999). As stigma abates, a transformation in public attitudes should
occur. People should become eager to seek care. They should become more willing
to absorb its cost. And, most importantly, they should become far more receptive
to the messages that are the subtext of this report: mental health and mental
illness are part of the mainstream of health, and they are a concern for all
people.
1 Murray & Lopez,
1996.
2 The Surgeon General issued a
Call to Action on Suicide in 1999, reflecting the public health magnitude of
this consequence of mental illness. The Call to Action is summarized in Figure
4-1.